NAHDLATUL Ulama (NU) cannot be understood in one sitting. Including the things in it; ranging from religious views, traditions, to political reasoning used by most of the congregation.
From a religious perspective, for example, NU is commonly followed by Islamic boarding schools with traditions bahtsoul masailit’s ingrained, it won’t be easy to mark something as halal or haram. Thanks to the habit of arguing based on these full and comprehensive rules, NU’s legal products look more like images produced by 360-degree camera technology. Almost no side escapes the spotlight and consideration. Instead, they tend to present options or choices rather than single references as is usually the case in the tradition of fatwas.
This is why “secular Muslims” will find it easier toSuuzan that NU is nothing more than a weak, inconstant, unclear, even pragmatic religious organization. The matter is trivial, because I immediately read NU as a manual, not a module containing tables of formulas with the spirit of conformity everywhere and at all times.
In this case, NU has truly become the endorser of Thomas Hobbes’ thoughts. Namely, respect for human privilege which lies in its ability to symbolically mark each reality. So, NU is not just “is” but “how” – a word that ultimately encourages people to think, grow and develop continuously.
The political language of sarongs
Yet the opinion of the British philosopher, who characterized humans as the most reliable creatures to wrap something dynamic in this designation alone. Hobbes also explains that the use of codes in human behavior subsequently manifests as the primary function of words, specifically language.
According to him, language is useful in evoking the simplification of a complex reality, even sometimes it seems complicated, into something simple and easy to understand. Even including an entity called NU. As an organization that has not been born in the past 10 or 20 years, the nahdliyin from generation to generation have faced many political events, both internal and external.
Uniquely, the NU congregation doesn’t just interpret it as something that is broken at the time and place of the incident. However, it is more often interpreted as a description of the means or methods of previous people to solve problems. Even so, there is still one side that cannot be disputed, namely go out which must lead to the benefit of the people.
Starting from tradition, over time the tendency to think in common manifests itself in the form of an unwritten commitment. Nahdliyin interprets that the political practice of NU cannot be equated with similar work, but must be based on a national and populist policy that upholds values and ethics.
In this case, the figure of KH MA Sahal Mahfudh emerged, which was deemed appropriate to present a Hobbes-like simplification of meaning. Rais Aam Syuriah, the Executive Council of Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) for the solemn period 1999-2014, stressed that the UN policy is a high level policy. The term sarong; siyasa ‘aliyah samiyah an-nahdliyah.
Kiai Sahal did not suggest that the nahdliyin only interpret politics at a lower level or siyasa safilah purely power-driven. Even so, weak does not automatically mean false, but this idea is still used and appears in most political parties, as it is advocated for the understanding of individual rights as citizens.
Said Aqil Surprise
Hobbes also mentions that the signs that humans usually use to infer the complexity of meaning often give rise to surprises. This problem, in Indonesian, finally presents the concept of changing the meaning of a word in the form of pejoration, improvement, etc.
The most recent and simplest example is how surprising the word celibate can make it seem like it has two fields of meaning at the same time. It can be interpreted as a person’s status of freedom from the demands of a partner, it can also be sadly interpreted as romance.
Likewise when interpreting the political actions of the personalities of the UN. For the students, it will be easy. The reason for this is that the santri undoubtedly regard the figures of the UN and their political arguments as standing in two positions of meaning at the same time; as a political being and on the other hand as a spiritual figure, inseparable from tirakat activities and self-approach to God.
For others, these two perspectives may not always appear together as the main ingredient in the weighting of the response. The fall, the affairs of the political world in Indonesia, which are often accused of never targeting core values, are inevitably supported by views and responses that are still skin-deep.
This was especially evident when a group of commentators seemed unable to interpret the political approaches of PBNU General Chairman Prof. KH Said Aqil Siroj as a surprise, as is often the case with human Hobbesan-style linguistic traditions. . So, it is very natural that the observation of Kiai Said as a figure commissioned by the muktamirin to orchestrate a jamiyah as complete as NU only leads to accusations of being foolish of power, pragmatism and mere training of NU in the field of practical policy.
But it’s not. It was the shock value of Kiai Said that kept the PBNU as an independent and neutral community, and firmly adhered to the 1926 khittah. Take, for example, how independent NU was when on the one hand it supported President Joko Widodo’s firmness not to give in. to extreme and radical groups. But on the other hand, it still provides strong control over policies that are seen as contrary to the benefit.
The easiest thing to remember is how loud the PBNU was when it rejected the 2017 Ministry of Education and Culture Regulation No. 23, which discussed full time school on the model of Indonesian education. This is considered detrimental to many parties, both students, formal and informal educational institutions, especially Islamic boarding schools.
If that is still not enough, the search word “PBNU rejects” on the Google search engine will show at least a number of facts how PBNU and Kiai Said – as an engine – desperately continue to maintain the political line of the nahdliyin at a high standard. . The benefit of the people is interpreted only as something fixed.
There are also those who are almost able to take the steps and tactics of Kiai Said as a surprise. Unfortunately, they prefer to replace it with the term “controversy”. Although, according to Hobbes, this mention is in different and different studies, but it is much better than being vulgar, which leads to accusations and even slander.
Not to mention that few people have the experience and spiritual views of Kiai Said through studies in discussion forums or seminars, pesantren recitations, daily examples and the stack of baboon books that he managed to present. The sense of surprise should also be applied when commenting on the implementation of the congress.
There are still many people equating the event, which will be held again from December 23-25, 2021, with the models of regional elections (pilkada), party leadership elections and presidential elections ( pilpres). In fact, in the congress there are traditions, rules, atmosphere and special considerations which are very different from the general contestation of other institutions.
It would therefore be ridiculous to respond to Congress through a random poll of a sample that is certainly not eligible to vote. Even more ridiculous, if there are names in the poll that have never contributed, they are even considered among the nahdliyin and pesantren.
The principle of consensus in congress will be more appropriate if it is interpreted with enthusiasm res republic (the common good) ala-Aristotle. More precisely, it is a means of protecting and meeting the basic needs of the population or Al-Ghazali has called it daf’u dlaruri ma’shumin.
The rest, Kiai Said, Congress and the political language of NU must indeed be interpreted through Hobbes’ perspective, namely through an empeiria-based view which means “experienced, familiar with”, not generalize, and let alone be plagiarized.